Are you a follower of casino site video games, particularly live roulette? If so, you’ll be thrilled to understand that you can currently enjoy playing live roulette free of charge online! In this comprehensive overview, we will explore the world of on the internet roulette, discovering whatever from the fundamentals of the game to the very best Continue reading “Roulette Free Online: Your Ultimate Overview”
Numerology Birth Date Calculator: Unlocking the Keys of Your Life Course
Have you ever wondered about the significance of your birth date? In numerology, each number holds a special meaning and can offer insights into your individuality, staminas, weaknesses, and life path. By utilizing a numerology birth day calculator, you can discover the keys hidden within your day of birth and get a deeper understanding of average Continue reading “Numerology Birth Date Calculator: Unlocking the Keys of Your Life Course”
Бездепозитний Бонус Slots City За Реєстрацію, Слотс Сіті Промокод І Фріспіни
Отримайте максимальний кешбек 17% при досягненні VIP-статусу Король. Після відіграшу можна вивести кошти, отримані зі слотів з фріспінами. Для цього казино пропонують використовувати різноманітні фінансові інструменти. Серед користувачів найбільш популярними є банківські картки та електронні гаманці. Головне – не забувати вивчати усі умови відігравання бонусу та дотримуватися правил онлайн-казино.
Бездепозитний Бонус Slots City За Реєстрацію, Слотс Сіті Промокод І Фріспіни
Отримайте максимальний кешбек 17% при досягненні VIP-статусу Король. Після відіграшу можна вивести кошти, отримані зі слотів з фріспінами. Для цього казино пропонують використовувати різноманітні фінансові інструменти. Серед користувачів найбільш популярними є банківські картки та електронні гаманці. Головне – не забувати вивчати усі умови відігравання бонусу та дотримуватися правил онлайн-казино.
Виграш, отриманий за допомогою бонусу, необхідно відіграти. Це поширений тип вітальної пропозиції, яка зустрічається в багатьох онлайн-казино. Фріспіни за реєстрацію нараховуються одразу після першого поповнення рахунку. На деяких майданчиках вистачить лише грн, на деяких потрібно поповнити рахунок на суму від 200 грн.
Дуже часто отримати промокоди казино можна в листах, як гральний заклад розсилає на e-mail. Також перевірте на сайті казино, чи немає посилань на канали в месенджерах, сторінки у соцмережах. Якщо є – регулярно перевіряйте їх, щоб не пропустити промокоди підписникам. Також шукати промо коди можна на сайтах-агрегаторах, які збирають інформацію про казино – наприклад, на цій сторінці. Промо коди без депозиту надають клієнтам онлайн-казино бонуси, завдяки яким можна грати у слоти безкоштовно. Мінус полягає у тому, що фріспіни з виведенням за реєстрацію без відіграшу зустрічаються дуже рідко — це, швидше, виняток із правила.
Завжди знаю, де і як зекономити, та залюбки ділюсь цими знаннями з підписниками». Пройти верифікацію одним із запропонованих способів.
Вони видаються як бонус також за участь у квестах та лотереях. Кількість спінів залежить від зайнятого гравцем місця та від умов змагання. Окрім того, гравцям потрібно стежити за власними емоціями. Скористайтеся унікальним промокодом Emporium, щоб отримати свій бонус! Безкоштовні обертання надаються як новим, так і постійним клієнтам.
Переваги Й Недоліки Безкоштовних Фріспінів
При цьому, виграші ви зможете вивести, як це відбувається при грі на реальні гроші. Це стане в пригоді, якщо ви хочете грати на високоволатильних слотах. Серед акцій, які часто зустрічаються в онлайн казино України – слід звернути увагу на промокоди казино.
- 195 бонусних гривень потрібно відіграти із вейджером x26.
- Ввести промокод можна у спеціальному розділі в особистому кабінеті гравця.
- Для підвищення свого статусу гравця робіть депозити та грайте у слоти.
- Перейти в особистий кабінет та відкрити розділ бонусів.
- Даний тип бонусу передбачає вкладення з боку гравця, тому він присутній практично у всіх популярних онлайн-казино.
- Зазвичай вони передбачають обмеження за конкретними автоматами, фіксовану ставку та відіграш з великим вейджером.
З її допомогою новачок може протестувати софт, щоб потім пройти реєстрацію та застосувати на практиці безкоштовні фріспіни. Якщо в клієнта все пройшло успішно, то він отримає бонус на день народження у формі безкоштовних обертань. У разі виникнення проблем, то треба звернутись до клієнтської підтримки грального клубу. Яскравим прикладом є First казино, де на день народження гравцеві нараховують від 60 до 500 FS в залежності від його статусу в програмі лояльності. Онлайн казино пропонують безплатні оберти барабанів в слотах (free spins) за створення нового акаунта та виконання умов. Нижче подана інформація, як отримати безплатні фріспіни за реєстрацію без депозита, які надають найкращі онлайн-казино України.
Наприклад, у казино Slotor промокоди на бездепозитні фриспіни гемблери отримують за підписку на Telegram-канал клубу. Оскільки дія кожного бонус-коду обмежена, перед активацією потрібно перевіряти актуальність такої пропозиції. Промокод казино України – це гарна можливість отримати додаткові засоби для гри та прибуток. Завжди ретельно читайте умови використання та вчасно виконуйте правила відіграшу. Підписуйтеся на всі соціальні сторінки казино, щоб не пропустити новини про промокоди. У казино з безкоштовними спінами використовувати заохочення можна лише у певних ігрових автоматах.
Перший тип передбачає отримання грошей після внесення коштів на рахунок. Ми використовуємо кукі, щоб надати Вам найкращий досвід використання сайту. Онлайн-казино СлотоКінг вважається одним із найкращих та найнадійніших в Україні.
Іноді для отримання заохочення необхідно пройти процедуру верифікації. Це необхідно для підтвердження віку гравця та відсутності протипоказань до ігор. Промокод казино зазвичай забезпечує бонуси, які потрібно відіграти за певний термін. Спершу уважно перечитайте умови акції – можливо, ви не врахували якусь з умов активації. Наприклад, код був дійсний протягом якого часу, строк якого вже вийшов. Якщо ж все вірно, але бонус все одно не спрацьовує – рекомендуємо звернутися до служби підтримки казино.
В деяких випадках достатньо ввести промокод Слотокінг. Це спеціальний код, після введення якого нараховують подарунки. Після підтвердження реєстрації користувачеві потрібно в особистому кабінеті зайти в рубрику «Бонуси», де знаходиться вкладка «Промокоди».
Чи активувати фріспіни за реєстрацію – вибір кожного гравця. Але ми ще раз нагадуємо про правила та принципи відповідальної гри. Не забувайте – гру в казино варто розглядати лише як спосіб отримання задоволення, а не заробітку. Як і будь-який бездепозитний бонус, промокоди на фріспіни без депозиту користувачі отримують з певними правилами. Казино Пін Ап має багато сильних сторін, серед яких найбільше виділяється бонусна політика. Гравці платформи отримують щедрі бонусні нарахування, в тому числі Pin Up бездепозитний бонус.
Побачити його можна буде в розділі персональних акцій в особистому кабінеті. Деякі онлайн казино дозволяють відслідковувати хід відіграшу в особистому кабінеті гравця. Як тільки бонус відіграно – гроші переводяться з бонусного рахунку користувача на основний. Асортимент азартних розваг, представлений на сайті, здатний задовольнити запити навіть досвідченого гравця. Азартності ігровому процесу додають регулярні турніри та акції. Також є можливість використовувати промокод для отримання персональної винагороди.
Пам’ятайте, що участь в азартних іграх не може бути джерелом доходів чи альтернативою роботі. З питань співробітництва звертайтесь електронною поштою Брати участь у бонусній програмі оператора можуть лише ті клієнти, які пройшли реєстрацію на сайті.
Слідкуйте за нашим регулярно оновлюваним оглядом статей про бонуси, які можна знайти в офіційних онлайн-казино України. Оператор вітає клієнтів, які досягли статусу Граф, з Днем народження та дарує персональний бонус — 200 % на депозит. Щоб отримати винагороду, необхідно зробити депозит на суму від one hundred гривень.
До списку подарунків входять фріспіни, бонусні нарахування, підвищений кешбек та т.і. Slotoking активно спілкується зі своїми користувачами у Telegram-каналі та Facebook. Казино викладає промокоди для загального доступу у Телеграм-каналі та в групі Facebook.
Отримайте Бонусний Пакет 125% На Депозит Та One Hundred Twenty Five Безкоштовних Обертань
Перераховані ресурси допоможуть гемблерам завжди отримувати казино промокод бездепозитний бонус. Також можна скористатися промокодами, які розміщені на нашому сайті. Кожна ігрова платформа пропонує свої промокоди на бездепозитні фріспіни, обирає певну кількість спінів та вказує умови відіграшу. Обертання автоматично нараховуються на бонусний баланс. Отримати спіни таким чином можна у казино Slotoking, Cosmolot та Slots City.
Всі актуальні промокоди гемблери можуть дізнатись на цій сторінці. Такі бонуси пропонують багато казино, зокрема Slots City. У рейтингу на цій сторінці ви знайдете точні умови акцій кожного закладу. Такі акції дуже вигідні для гравців, адже дають змогу робити обертання без зайвих витрат, отримуючи шанси на реальні виграші. Бонус-коди казино приносять користь усім учасникам процесу. Їх використовують у кампаніях партнерського маркетингу, коли рекламу розміщують на інших сайтах, а іноді й в офлайнових медіа.
Виконання вимог щодо відіграшу бонусу – це важливий аспект, про який іноді забувають користувачі онлайн-казино. У деяких гральних клубах подібні заохочення мають вейджери та правила відіграшу, які обов’язково потрібно враховувати перед активацією. В окремих випадках активувати бонус код можна зверненням до адміністрації в чаті. Служба підтримки надасть додаткові інструкції або самостійно підключить бонус.
Тому ці подарунки є однаково вигідними як для гемблерів, так і для закладу. Гральні майданчики часто використовують їх для заохочення гравців. А ось, наприклад, релоад бонуси в казино знайти та отримати не так просто. Щоб отримати від казино Кінг бонус за реєстрацію, необхідно створити обліковий запис на сайті та внести депозит від 250 гривень.
На Що Звертати Увагу При Виборі Казино З Фріспінами?
Якщо ви заблокуєте файли cookie, які необхідні для правильної роботи сайту, це може привести до його непрацездатності. На сайті є ряд цікавих акцій, яким варто присвятити окремий розділ. У них можна виграти фріспіни, грошові нагороди, до 17% кешбеку, призи у Колесі Фортуни та бустери.
Де Знайти Промокод Для Казино?
У другому випадку кошти нараховуються на бонусний або відразу на ігровий рахунок у вигляді конкретної суми. Зазвичай винагорода коливається в межах 100–2000 гривень. Промо код на бездепозитний бонус у вигляді грошової виплати не потребує обов’язкового поповнення рахунку. З бонусного балансу приз можна вивести після відіграшу. Для отримання фріспінів за реєстрацію особі має виповнитися повних 18 років.
Завдяки цьому інтернет-казино може точно дізнатися, звідки прийшов новий користувач. Воно виплачує обіцяну винагороду партнеру і надає бонус гравцеві. Промокод вводиться в спеціальному рядку у вікні реєстрації нового гравця або в особистому кабінеті. У більшості випадків він перевіряється автоматично, хоча в деяких казино потрібно чекати схвалення модератора.
Багато надійних клубів пропонують фріспіни без депозиту з виведенням в Україні. Ці бонуси в казино роблять промоакції дуже ефективними, даючи змогу швидко розширювати клієнтську базу закладів. Вони привертають увагу початківців, які поки не готові витрачати великі суми та шукають легкий спосіб протестувати функціонал казино.
Але більшість гемблерів шукають на Слотокінг бездепозитний бонус. Бездеп рідко з’являється у списку доступних акцій на сайті, тому що не є основним різновидом подарунків. Далеко не останню роль у популярності майданчика відіграє вигідна програма лояльності для клієнтів. Серед промо є багато цікавих пропозицій, наприклад гравці можуть отримати на Slotoking 50 фріспінів або депозит без ризику. Тобто мова йде саме про бездепозитні бонуси, які можна отримати без поповнення депозиту та витрат власних коштів. За кожні поставлених гривень в казино Пін Ап гравці отримують подарункову коробку.
Які Бонуси Можна Отримати За Промокодом?
Максимально можна одержати до 5000 гривень на рахунок. Бездепозитний бонус — це вид промо, який не вимагає поповнення балансу з боку клієнта. У казино SlotoKing бездепозитний бонус можна купити за компоїнти — бали лояльності. Для цього необхідно зайти в «Магазин FS» та натиснути команду «Обмінювати CP».
Що Таке Промокод В Онлайн-казино?
Промокоди для нових користувачів активуються у вікні реєстрації при створенні акаунта, для постійних клієнтів – в особистому кабінеті. Ігрові автомати з безкоштовними фріспінами встановлюються умовами акції. Оскільки кожен спін видається з фіксованою ставкою — саме від неї залежить розмір передбачуваного виграшу. Безкоштовні спіни привертають увагу як нових, так і давно зареєстрованих користувачів. Зареєструйтесь у Ферст Казіно та отримайте 1300 фріспінів, а також бонус до 675% надбавки на перші 5 депозитів. Крім цього, бонусні коди можуть бути одноразовими чи багаторазовими.
Свіжі купони публікують рейтингові сайти та топи онлайн казино. Для отримання купону користувачу достатньо перейти з представленого списку на сторінку онлайн-закладу, де разом із описом буде вказано бонусний код. Такі ресурси постійно стежать за останніми оновленнями та разом із ТОПами пропонують своїм читачам ще й робочі промокоди. Гравцям доводиться відігравати бонуси та дотримуватися правил виведення грошей.
Гравці Pin Up можуть отримувати one hundred pc бездепозитний бонус після кожного кешауту. Сума бонусу дорівнює 100% від суми податку, що компанія сплачує до бюджету України. Казино працює офіційно та з ліцензією, це ще одна перевага цієї платформи. У випадку неправильного введення коду, система видасть на екрані помилку.
Спочатку потрібно відіграти їх, виконавши певні умови. Також існує промокод онлайн казино, який необхідно вводити лише під час поповнення рахунку в формі для депозиту. Учасники турнірів можуть отримати не лише грошові призи, а й безкоштовні прокрутки без депозиту.
Промокод казино – це унікальна комбінація цифр і букв, що відкриває доступ до бонусів та інших винагород. Зазвичай вона діє тільки один раз, тому перед її використанням потрібно уважно вивчити всі умови акції. Бездепозитні спіни в казино найчастіше нараховуються в невеликій кількості — від 10 до 30. Такої кількості достатньо, щоб познайомитися з геймплеєм нового слота та отримати виграш. Виграш, отриманий за допомогою безкоштовних обертань, не можна відразу виводити. Досвідчені гравці радять використовувати демонстраційну версію гральних автоматів.
Наприклад, новачки можуть отримати безкоштовні спіни за реєстрацію, тоді як постійні — за свою активність на майданчику та депозити. На них полюють більше, ніж на цвіт папороті на Купала. Ви знаєте, на нашому досвіді траплялися бездепозитні фріспіни без відіграшу. Зазвичай, такі акції мають тимчасовий характер і не проходять на постійній основі. Також гравцям українського казино доступні поповнення без ризику до 500₴, кешбек, бонуси та бустер.
Якщо в кінці ігрової сесії не вдасться подвоїти депозит, гемблер отримає повернення грошей на свій акаунт. Якщо не встигає – бонус згорить, якщо все вдасться, бонусні кошти стануть доступними для виведення. На цій сторінці доступна інформація про всі бонуси українського казино. Промо-розділ в казино Пін Ап насичений різними акціями. У цьому можна переконатися, відкривши відповідне меню на офіційному сайті оператора. Але всі пропозиції мають бути відіграні з певним вейджером – спеціальним множником чи коефіцієнтом.
High 9 Jeux & Purposes Pour Gagner De L’argent Facilement !
Les nouveaux casinos en ligne proposent souvent des bonus sans dépôt pour attirer de nouveaux joueurs et se faire connaître sur le marché. Ces offres sont généralement plus généreuses, mais il est essential de vérifier leur légitimité avant de vous inscrire. Malheureusement, ces bonus sont très rarement éligibles aux jeux de table. Pour dénicher les meilleurs bonus sans dépôt, il est essentiel de savoir où chercher. Notre équipe teste et évalue minutieusement les casinos en ligne pour vous garantir des offres fiables et attractives, adaptées à tous les types de joueurs.
High 9 Jeux & Purposes Pour Gagner De L’argent Facilement !
Les nouveaux casinos en ligne proposent souvent des bonus sans dépôt pour attirer de nouveaux joueurs et se faire connaître sur le marché. Ces offres sont généralement plus généreuses, mais il est essential de vérifier leur légitimité avant de vous inscrire. Malheureusement, ces bonus sont très rarement éligibles aux jeux de table. Pour dénicher les meilleurs bonus sans dépôt, il est essentiel de savoir où chercher. Notre équipe teste et évalue minutieusement les casinos en ligne pour vous garantir des offres fiables et attractives, adaptées à tous les types de joueurs.source
Assurez-vous de bien comprendre les règles du jeu et de profiter des bonus et promotions offerts par les sites pour maximiser vos probabilities de gagner. Pour commencer, il vous suffit de télécharger l’software mobile, de créer un compte gratuit et c’est tout ! Choisissez la catégorie de jeu et faites défiler la liste disponible des partenaires qui proposent des jeux avec la possibilité de gagner de l’argent réel sans dépôt. Vous pouvez aussi profiter des bonus de casino en ligne pour jouer gratuitement aux machines à sous et autres jeux de casino.
Si vous pensez que vous êtes en practice de devenir accro aux jeux, nous vous recommandons de chercher de l’aide sans délai ou de consulter le website des Joueurs anonymes. Et si ces bonus ne sont pas suffisants, vous pouvez trouver encore plus de bonus de casino ici. La somme minimal pour les dépôts sur ce casino est de 20 euros et la somme most de retrait est de euros, sauf pour les retraits effectués avec Skrill, qui peuvent monter jusqu’à euros. Vous pourrez utiliser votre carte bancaire, un virement bancaire ou votre portefeuille électronique sur le web site. Ce on line casino accepte tous les moyens de paiement importants, à savoir les cartes de crédit, les virements bancaires, et les portefeuilles électroniques Skrill et Neteller. Le site de Lucky Treasure est construit en HTML5 et s’adapte donc parfaitement aux petits écrans, du smartphone à la tablette.
Pour jouer et gagner à des jeux de cartes tels que le Poker ou le baccara, la likelihood ne suffit pas. Il faut en effet entraîner son cerveau à mémoriser et visualiser des stratégies complexes, à anticiper sur les différentes probabilités et à s’adapter en toute circonstances, pression ou non. Utiliser les nouvelles applied sciences (et notamment des jeux cell pour gagner de l’argent) vous permet de commencer dès que vous le souhaitez. Le token SMCW convient aux investisseurs à lengthy terme qui peuvent consacrer du temps à la plateforme.
Si vous pensez être à risque d’dependancy ou de subir des dommages liés aux jeux de hasard, vous ou quelqu’un d’autre, veuillez consulter notre guide du jeu responsable ou visitez Gambleaware. Il y a plusieurs autres jeux accessibles sans dépôt sur les functions mobiles d’Android et d’iPhone qui ont été très populaires auprès de ceux qui jouent aux machines à sous pour de l’argent réel. A toutes sortes de jeux, des jeux de desk comme le poker, la roulette et le blackjack, aux machines à sous et aux jeux de vidéo poker. Les jeux avec croupiers en direct, en revanche, sont rarement disponibles en mode démo. Vous pouvez vous familiariser avec de nouveaux jeux sans risquer de perdre votre argent.
- L’avantage de la maison va varier en fonction des jeux gratuits de casino auxquels vous jouez en ligne.
- Il se montre très innovant en termes d’univers et de nouveaux jeux, automotive il propose bien plus que les traditionnels casinos en ligne.
- Lors de la section de préparation, Nine Chronicles prend toutes les décisions liées au gameplay.
- Que vous soyez étudiant, mother or father ou joueur expérimenté, Freecash est accessible à toute personne disposant d’un smartphone et d’une connexion Internet.
L’un des meilleurs jeux gratuits en ligne pour gagner de l’argent sans dépôt est le livre des morts. Bienvenue dans l’univers des jeux en ligne, une nouvelle tendance qui permet de gagner de l’argent réel sans débourser un centime. Inutile de rechercher des heures sur web pour trouver les meilleures méthodes. Nous avons fait le travail pour vous et avons rassemblé la crème de la crème des jeux en ligne. Une occasion rêvée pour tous ceux qui souhaitent faire fructifier leur temps libre.
Jeu Pour Gagner De L’argent Réel Sans Dépôt
La approach est facile, vous devez choisir une dizaine de chiffres parmi les 80 sur la feuille distribuée. Après le tirage, vous recevrez vos positive aspects en fonction des numéros gagnants que vous avez obtenus. En effet, le Keno est un jeu de hasard, mais certains joueurs français de casino choisissent de tester des stratégies populaires pour augmenter leurs possibilities de gagner.
Bien souvent, vous pourrez tester leurs jeux sans aucun engagement et sans créer de compte. Parfois, pour tester un website, l’inscription est requise, ce qui est plus contraignant. À half les jeux, jouer gratuitement vous permettra de savoir quels sont vos opérateurs favoris parmi les créateurs de logiciels de jeux. Parmi les plus célèbres, on retrouve Play’n GO, Pragmatic Play, Microgaming ou encore NetEnt.
C’est une plateforme complète qui vous permettra de toujours trouver des réponses et des méthodes pour arrondir ses fins de mois. Les jeux vidéos Play to Earn, ou jeux P2E, sont des jeux qui permettent à leurs utilisateurs de générer des récompenses au sein du jeu, qui peuvent ensuite être converties en argent réel. Ce jeu play to earn permet à ses joueurs de choisir parmi quatre types de personnages. Le personnage aura ses propres armes et recevra de la nourriture qu’il utilisera uniquement quand il en aura besoin.
Trouver la approach gagnante au baccarat est d’une très grande significance pour tous les joueurs. Si vous n’avez jamais tenté votre likelihood au baccarat, il est temps d’en profiter et de vous entraîner sur notre site avec plusieurs jeux de baccarat en version gratuite. Chez Bitstarz Casino, vous trouverez une vaste sélection de jeux adaptés à tous les goûts. Des machines à sous avec des jeux comme Book of Dead, Wolf Gold, et Starburst sans investir de votre propre argent.
“Toutes les espèces se sont toujours déplacées pour assurer leur survie.” insiste… À l’âge des choix et de l’autonomie, celui où l’on expérimente le monde adulte, la maladie a brusquement remis en question la stabilité de la vie de Tim. Nous vous apprenons remark créer facilement un compte sur le on line casino Lucky Treasure. Le service consumer du casino est très réactif et peut être joint par téléphone, e-mail et sur le chat.
Vous pouvez accéder à la plateforme, commencer immédiatement à jouer et profiter des machines à sous et des jeux gratuits proposés sur le web site. Créer un compte n’est pas nécessaire surtout si vous tenez à rester discret et que vous ne voulez pas communiquer vos données personnelles. Avec l’évolution de la technologie et surtout la facilité d’accès à web, les jeux de on line casino en ligne sont en plein essor. Parmi les jeux souvent proposés en mode gratuit sur les casinos en ligne, voici les plus populaires.
Pour jouer en ligne et gagner de l’argent réel, il est conseillé de choisir des jeux avec un avantage de maison faible et de créer une stratégie de pari adaptée au jeu auquel vous jouez. Vous trouverez ici les pourcentages d’avantages de la maison pour les meilleurs jeux gratuits de casino en ligne d’argent réel en 2020. Choisissez l’un des jeux gratuits de la liste qui correspond à votre expérience en matière de jeu, et vous maximiserez les probabilities de gagner. De plus, en choisissant des jeux avec des avantages de maison bas, vous gagnez du temps et vous gagnerez de l’argent réel plus rapidement. C’est l’un des tremendous jeux gratuits en ligne pour gagner de l’argent réel sans dépôt.
Vous pouvez jouer une, deux ou trois lignes et modifier facilement vos paris en fonction de votre price range. C’est la prime que vous vous donnez une chance de réclamer lorsque vous choisissez Âge des dieux . Il est disponible sur Casino.com et pour les utilisateurs de différents pays. Pour ne pas perdre votre temps et vous prévenir des déconvenues, n’hésitez pas à faire appel à des comparateurs comme Kuzéo.
De nombreux joueurs se demandent s’ils peuvent gagner en jouant à des jeux gratuits. Jouer sur des jeux gratuits implique que vous ne pouvez pas obtenir des gains en argent réel. Si vous voulez vous former et apprendre à jouer sans miser votre argent réel, beaucoup de versions gratuites sont accessibles sur notre plateforme. En effet, après un peu de pratique des meilleures methods de blackjack, vous serez également prêt pour commencer à jouer au Blackjack.
Meilleur On Line Casino En Ligne D’argent Réel
Sans payer, jouer à des jeux gratuits en ligne pour gagner de l’argent réel sans dépôt avec l’ascension des pharaons. Il est aussi essential de vérifier les options de paiement proposées par le on line casino. Les websites de jeux en ligne autour de la thématique des casinos proposent souvent des jeux qui sont également des jeux de casino. Vous pourrez alors facilement retrouver votre jeu d’argent préféré sur ces websites.
Les Avantages Des Jeux Sans Dépôt
Les joueurs peuvent y exploiter, chasser et collecter des ressources du monde réel. Ils ont de plus la possibilité de choisir le rôle qu’ils veulent jouer dans l’économie du jeu. Ces derniers peuvent devenir des pirates de l’espace, des commerçants ou des mineurs. The Sandbox est un jeu play to earn qui utilise les applied sciences blockchain, DeFi et NFT pour créer un métavers 3D. Le monde virtuel permet aux joueurs de personnaliser et de créer leurs propres jeux et actifs numériques à l’aide d’outils de conception gratuits. Ainsi, on peut dire que ce jeu est la version DeFi de Minecraft sur la blockchain.
Nous avons dressé pour vous à cet effet une liste de jeux gratuits en ligne sans dépôt pour vous aider à commencer. Ces bonus sont les fameux tours gratuits ou free spins qui permettent de faire quelques parties gratuitement sur un casino sans dépôt. Par contre, c’est souvent que vous devrez jouer sur une machine à sous en ligne prédéterminée. Energy Casino est une autre plateforme populaire qui offre des bonus sans dépôt attrayants. En utilisant le code bonus JOHNNYBET lors de votre inscription, vous pouvez obtenir un bonus sans dépôt pour commencer à jouer immédiatement.
La plupart des joueurs apprécient le fait que les actifs du jeu sont également des NFT enregistrés sur la blockchain. Ainsi, ils peuvent les utiliser dans le jeu, mais aussi les vendre s’ils décident de ne plus jouer. C’est la raison pour laquelle les jeux NFT et la blockchain peuvent constituer d’excellentes choices d’investissement et une supply de revenus très intéressante.
Mistplay est une application mobile populaire qui suggest à ses joueurs une variété de jeux différents parmi lesquels choisir et gagner des récompenses. Il s’agit essentiellement d’une plateforme que vous pouvez utiliser pour accéder à des jeux, principalement des jeux de réflexion et de stratégie. Si vous débutez votre parcours avec les applications et plateformes de jeu, Freecash est l’une des premières plateformes que vous devriez envisager pour gagner de l’argent réel sans dépôt. Freecash est une plateforme incroyablement facile à utiliser où vous pouvez gagner de l’argent réel en effectuant des tâches simples, des sondages ou des offres. Plus de 29 millions d’utilisateurs emploient cette méthode de paiement dans le monde. Elle propose non seulement des frais de transactions très faibles, mais aussi des dépôts instantanés.
Ci-dessous, nos consultants ont noté les meilleurs websites de jeux d’argent en ligne selon plusieurs critères tels que l’expérience utilisateur, la variété de jeux en ligne, les promotions, et bien d’autres. Pour choisir le meilleur website pour vos jeux, nos évaluations vous permettent de cibler les critères qui vous semblent le plus essential pour jouer en ligne. Découvrez ces casinos et profitez des nouveaux jeux et de jeux gratuits pour vos events en ligne. Ces casinos vous proposent des fonctionnalités très agréables comme de nouveaux jeux et quelques jeux gratuits pour se faire la main.
Certaines offres vous permettent de jouer à des jeux gratuits avec des free spins. Vous êtes-vous déjà demandé remark jouer dans un casino, mais sans payer ? Eh bien, Chumba Casino est l’un des meilleurs jeux de on line casino qui vous permet de faire exactement cela.
Pionnier dans l’univers des jeux flash gratuits de casino depuis plus de 20 ans, NetEnt est un leader incontestable et de qualité supérieure dans le domaine. Ce fournisseur est un incontournable sur les plateformes de jeux accessibles sans dépôt sur Android et iPhone. Jouer à des jeux sur des casinos gratuits vous permet de tester le sérieux des offres du on line casino afin de vous faire votre propre avis avant de choisir de vous inscrire. Vous êtes libre de choisir sans effectuer de dépôt qui vous « bloquerait » sur un casino que vous n’aimez pas. Le baccarat est un jeu de cartes qui fait partie de la famille des jeux de tables, comme le blackjack et la roulette.
Il s’agit d’une forme de test de jeux vidéo, qui contribue aussi à booster leur popularité. Plus vous passez de temps à jouer sur l’application, et plus vous êtes récompensé, sous forme de pièces qui peuvent ensuite être transformées en bons, cartes cadeaux ou virement Paypal. Vous aimeriez entrer dans la partie à votre tour mais vous sentez perdu ? La réponse à toutes vos questions tout de suite dans notre high eleven des meilleurs jeux pour gagner de l’argent en ligne. Sur MadNix, vous découvrez l’univers d’un professeur unique qui vous accueille dans son laboratoire pour jouer aux meilleurs jeux en ligne. De plus, la version des jeux pour appareil cell fonctionne aussi bien pour les téléphones mobiles que sur tablette.
Les Jeux De Grattage
Pour les jeux sur MadNix, plusieurs méthodes de paiement sont possibles. Vous pourrez réaliser vos dépôts par carte bancaire, virement, portefeuille virtuel, afin d’être plus libre de profiter des jeux. Les joueurs réguliers seront également gâtés par des bonus en fonction des jours de la semaine. Du cashback est également disponible pour que votre expérience du site soit encore plus agréable. Kings Chance a tout prévu pour que les joueurs puissent effectuer facilement leurs dépôts et retraits sur le site.
Pour autant, nous cherchons à vous proposer des websites de jeux avec des logiciels de hasard qui garantissent l’impartialité des résultats des jeux. Les méthodes de paiement – Tout site de jeux en ligne doit proposer différentes méthodes de paiement et de retraits pour vos jeux en ligne. Les casinos crypto qui acceptent de nombreuses cryptomonnaies sont également mieux notés pour cette modernité.
Gods Unchained est l’un des meilleurs jeux gratuits qui vous donne la possibilité de jouer pour gagner de l’argent en ligne. Il s’agit d’un jeu play to earn de cartes à collectionner qui vous offre des cryptomonnaies pour vos réalisations. Le jeu a vu le jour en 2018, lorsque ses développeurs ont vendu des millions de cartes mystiques et collecté 15 millions de dollars lors d’une levée de fonds de série A. Parmi les meilleurs jeux de casinos en ligne permettant de gagner de l’argent réel, on retrouve les machines à sous, le blackjack, le poker en ligne, et d’autres jeux de cartes. Pour jouer et gagner de l’argent réel sans dépôt, il vous suffit de trouver des websites de confiance proposant ces jeux.
Vous pouvez aussi visiter directement les websites de casinos mais cette resolution n’est pas la plus efficace. N’utilisez le bonus qu’une fois que vous êtes prêt à démarrer la session de jeu. Entrez dans le thème ancien de style égyptien de Book of Dead et préparez-vous à gagner gros comme des tens of millions de joueurs à travers le monde.
Ils vous permettent d’accéder à des jeux sans avoir besoin d’inscription ni de dépôt d’argent. Avant de créer un compte sur un nouveau on line casino en ligne et de faire des dépôts sans être sûr que vous allez vous y plaire, le fait de pouvoir accéder gratuitement aux jeux du on line casino peut s’avérer très utile. Voici donc 8 avantages à opter pour des sites de jeux gratuits selon les consultants. Il existe plusieurs applications de casino en ligne qui offrent des bonus sans dépôt, mais Bitstarz Casino et Energy Casino sont parmi les meilleures.
Par exemple, vous avez besoin d’acheter trois NFT de créatures Axie pour vous lancer sur Axie Infinity. Et, vu le succès fulgurant qu’a connu le jeu, les prix de ses jetons non fongibles sont montés en flèche. Selon DappRadar, le NFT le plus cher du jeu a été vendu pour 2,33 hundreds of thousands de dollars de tokens WETH. Le Centre Pompidou-Metz, centre d’art dédié à l’art moderne et contemporain, est conçu comme une expérience unique, un espace de découverte de la création artistique sous toutes ses formes. La célèbre bande Dessinée Astérix prend vie à l’Atelier des Lumières grâce à une expérience immersive qui promet d’enchanter petits et grands. En collaboration avec les Éditions Albert René, cette création numérique…
Une fois que vous avez gagné des récompenses, vous pouvez les encaisser à partir d’une somme minimale de 2 $ sur votre compte PayPal ou choisir des cartes-cadeaux. Si vous avez des jetons, vous pouvez participer à des tirages au type pour avoir une chance de gagner des récompenses de grande valeur. Vos gains peuvent varier en fonction du temps que vous passez à jouer, mais en général, les gens peuvent gagner environ 40 $ par mois !
D’ailleurs, l’avatar Cubie Blueprints sera bientôt disponible sous forme de NFT. Coin Hunt World combine des éléments des jeux en ligne les plus célèbres et les assemble dans un jeu crypto. GODS, le token natif du jeu, peut être utilisé en tant que mode de paiement dans toutes les étapes du jeu. La valeur unique des cartes rares est qu’elles peuvent être échangées contre des tokens GODS, qui peuvent ensuite être convertis en monnaie fiat. Ainsi, les joueurs gardent entièrement le contrôle de leurs actifs au sein du jeu, chose qui les encourage à continuer.
Par ailleurs, le mécanisme de ces jeux peut favoriser la spéculation par des joueurs cherchant à réaliser des plus-values, et donc engendrer des dépenses élevées, mais aussi être propice à l’addiction. Ces objets sont monétisables, c’est-à-dire qu’ils peuvent être achetés directement auprès des développeurs du jeu, échangés entre joueurs, ou vendus sur des plateformes spécialisées. Les JONUM transforment ainsi des activités de loisirs en une source potentielle de revenus. Vous pouvez profiter des jeux sans avoir besoin d’un téléchargement de logiciel supplémentaire à installer sur votre disque dur. C’est un jeu très intéressant avec plusieurs variantes comme le bingo 90, le bingo 80, le bingo seventy five et le bingo 30. Bien que le bingo soit un jeu de parfait hasard, il existe quand même d’ingénieuses stratégies qui peuvent vous aider à compléter vos grilles et à calculer la probabilité des résultats.
233754701715617367
233754701715617367
233754701715617367
Rebels on the Green
On the morning of Wednesday, October 19, 1864, the Civil War seemed far away from St. Albans, Vermont. The local newspaper, the Daily Messenger, wrote that Grant was fighting Lee at Petersburg, roughly 600 miles south. Later that day, the editor would have the scoop of his life when the Civil War’s northernmost battle broke out on Main Street, bullets smashing his windows and a dying man streaming blood on the office floor.
The Confederacy sent commissioners abroad to seek full diplomatic recognition and purchase arms and supplies. In Canada, Commissioner Cassius C. Clay worked with a network of sympathizers, escaped prisoners, and Copperheads—Northerner supporters of secession—to organize a campaign of terrorist sabotage, including the November 25, 1864 New York City fires that destroyed Barnum’s American Museum on Broadway at Ann Street, across from St. Paul’s Chapel.
The attack on St. Albans, Vermont was organized and led by Bennett Young, one of Morgan’s Raiders. Tall, slender and—to judge from his photograph in Stewart Holbrook’s Forgotten Men of American History—Byronically handsome, Young had been captured on a raid into Ohio in 1863 and imprisoned at Camp Douglas near Chicago. Behind the good looks were cold intelligence and iron nerve, and he had he had escaped to Canada within months.
At Clay’s suggestion, Young returned home by blockade runner. After conferring with Secretary of War James Seddon at Richmond, and with President Davis’s approval, Young returned to Canada with a lieutenant’s commission, a sealed letter for Clay, and special orders signed by Seddon, dated June 16, 1864, authorizing Young to “organize for special service a company not to exceed twenty in number from those who belong to the service and are at this time beyond the Confederate States.”
Clay sent Young to Chicago, where local Copperheads, the Sons of Liberty, plotted to seize the city during the 1864 Democratic National Convention while Young led a mass escape of prisoners from Camp Douglas. The conspiracy was betrayed and Young barely escaped. He then went to Columbus, Ohio, to organize an uprising of the six thousand prisoners of war at Camp Chase. Again, the conspiracy was betrayed and abandoned.
By now, Young had a cadre of some twenty reliable men, mostly ex-cavalrymen like himself. Disgusted by his failures, he met with Clay and then reconnoitered Vermont. He targeted St. Albans, a town about fifteen miles south of the Canadian border.
In 1864, St. Albans had 5,000 residents, three banks, hotels, boarding houses, and numerous stores and service businesses. Young arrived on October 10. Seven others arrived that day and the next, registering under assumed names at the American House or the Tremont House. Other young men, allegedly from Montreal and St. John’s, registered at local hotels and boarding houses. Circulating quietly, they observed the habits of the people and the location of the banks and stables. Wednesdays, the day after market day, were always quiet.
Wednesday, October 19, proved cloudy with a threat of rain. At three p.m., the twenty-two rebels struck. Each wore a pair of Navy sixes—Colt Model 1851 Navy .36 caliber six-shooters.
Cyrus N. Bishop, teller of the St. Albans Bank, was at the counter when two men entered, proceeded to his window, and drew revolvers. They seized him and, pointing two revolvers at his head, identified themselves as Confederate soldiers, advising him that if he attempted resistance they would blow his brains out. They forced Bishop to open the safe. At that moment, the bank’s front door opened and in walked Mr. Breck of Breck & Wetherbee with $400 in currency for deposit. “Right over here, mister,” commanded one of the raiders. “I am taking deposits today.” Working fast, the robbers stuffed $73,522 into bags. Then they herded the Vermonters into the directors’ room, locked the door, and departed.
At the Franklin County Bank, one raider drew his gun. The others followed suit. “We are Confederate soldiers,” announced the leader. “There are one hundred of us. We have come to rob your banks and burn your town.” Marcus Beardsley, the teller, froze. The other employee ran for the door but stopped at the threat of death. The raiders went through the drawers and the vault, gathering some $70,000 in greenbacks. The Confederates then locked the two employees in the vault.
At the First National Bank, the raiders found Albert Sowles, the cashier, and ninety-year-old General John Nason, who was deaf and reading the Springfield Republican. As the bank clock struck the hour, Sowles looked up to see three men in greatcoats entering the bank. They drew revolvers as they advanced. General Nason was absorbed in his paper.
The first Confederate to approach Sowles announced, “You are my prisoners. If you offer any resistance I will shoot you dead.” Meanwhile, two other Confederates tossed $58,000 in bonds and greenbacks into haversacks. General Nason looked up. “Who are these gentlemen?” he grumbled. “Seems to me they are rather rude in their behavior.”
Just as the raiders were about to leave, William H. Blaisdell, a local merchant, came into the bank. He took in the scene and tackled the nearest robber. They rolled over and Blaisdell looked up into the mouth of a Navy six. A second muzzle was pressed against Blaisdell’s head. At this point General Nason abandoned his newspaper, creaked forward, and suggested, “Two upon one was not fair play.”
Blaisdell capitulated. Then the cashier, the merchant, and the old soldier were marched across the street to the green, where other citizens were already under armed guard. General Nason, who could hear nothing and had seen little, having read his newspaper during the robbery, asked Sowles, “What gentlemen were those?”
Half a dozen armed strangers appeared at Fuller’s livery stable. They told the hostler to bring the horses out of the stalls, and be quick about it. E. D. Fuller was across the street when he heard commotion in his stable. He entered at a dead run, roaring, “Put back them horses.” A raider rode to meet Fuller, roaring back, “Get out of here, damn you, or I’ll blow me a hole through you.”
Fuller vanished out the door. He reappeared almost instantly across the street with a Colt dragoon revolver, took cover, aimed, and squeezed the trigger. It clicked. Nothing. He squeezed again and again. Still nothing. To his dying day, E. D. Fuller cursed his unloaded gun.
Captain George P. Conger, First Vermont Cavalry, home on leave, strode down Main Street in uniform. The rebels put him on the green with the other citizens.
The Confederates now were gathering and the guards were momentarily distracted. Then Captain Conger sprinted across the green toward the American House. He burst through its front door amidst a fusillade of rebel bullets, bursting glass, and chipped brickwork, ran through the lobby, out the back door, and down Lake Street, shouting the Rebels had come. He grabbed a rifle and shoved two boxes of cartridges into his pockets, took cover behind the American House, aimed at Bennett, and fired. Bennett returned fire with his revolver.
Now townsmen, hearing gunfire and rumors, pulled revolvers and shotguns from desk drawers and closets. Others took muskets from the War of 1812 or even the Revolution from over the mantel. Mrs. John Gregory Smith, the governor’s wife, picked up a horse pistol. Some townspeople began shooting from buildings around the square. Collins H. Huntington came toward the green, firing. A raider’s shot laid him in the street. Another shot knocked down Lorenzo Bingham. The bullets tore through the Daily Messenger’s front door. The windows of Miss Beattie’s Millinery Store and A. H. Munyon’s store tinkled and crashed as the black powder smoke drifted among the elms.
Elinus J. Morrison, a local contractor and apparently unarmed, turned the corner near the Dutcher & Sons pharmacy. A raider saw him and fired. Morrison staggered, clutched his stomach, stumbled into the Daily Messenger streaming blood, and collapsed. He died the next day.
Now all Young’s men had reported. The mission accomplished, he gave the order to ride. With bullets flying and $208,000 in their saddlebags, the raiders galloped out of town.
Captain Conger stopped firing and took command. Gathering perhaps a dozen men with guns and horses, he swung into the saddle and pursued as other townsmen followed as quickly as they could secure horses or buggies.
On the road north, the Confederates met a farmer on horseback. Without explanation, they pulled him down. One mounted the fresh horse, leaving an old nag in its place, and they galloped off. The farmer stood examining the jaded plug he had suddenly acquired.
Then Captain Conger and his men, riding hell for leather, burst into view. They recognized the old horse, thought the farmer must be a Confederate, and started shooting. He fled across a field, the posse in chase, and escaped into a swamp. The Union horsemen took the nag and dashed off.
At Sheldon, hot on Young’s heels, the posse thundered across a burning covered bridge, just fired by the raiders.
The Confederates did not stop at customs. They tore into Canada. The customs officers stepped into the road, gazing north at their dust. Then Conger and his men charged through at a gallop.
Over the next two days, Conger captured ten raiders before Canadian authorities stopped him. Young learned next morning that several of his men had been arrested by Canadian authorities at Philipsburg. As he was their commander and held the authority for the raid, he chose “to give himself up to the authorities and make the cause of his men his own,” knowing Clay would arrange their release on bail.
On the way to Philipsburg, Young was trapped at a farm house where he had stopped for refreshment when some twenty-five Vermonters surprised and then pistol-whipped him. They dragged him to an open wagon, threatening to shoot him as “they denounced him in unmeasured terms.” When they reached the road to the border, Young suddenly knocked down his guards, seized the reins, and turned the horses toward Philipsburg.
He was recaptured within moments. As the posse worked him over again, a British officer trotted by, stopped, and asked for an explanation. Young said he was a Confederate officer on British soil, entitled to protection. As John W. Headley writes in Confederate Operations in Canada and New York, “The British officer reasoned with the Americans for a time, who were reluctant to listen to argument or to delay their return to St. Albans.” The Briton said other raiders had been arrested and all were being sent to St. Albans the next day. Young’s captors finally agreed the officer should take him under their escort to Philipsburg.
The Englishman had lied. The Confederates at Philipsburg, including Conger’s prisoners, were in Canadian protective custody. Young and his men were safe for the moment.
A crisis between Great Britain and the United States erupted overnight. The United States government demanded extradition, claiming the raiders were not soldiers and hence common criminals under the civil law. Amidst it all, Lieutenant Young wrote to the Daily Messenger, enclosing three dollars for a subscription, giving his address as “Montreal Jail.” Another raider wrote to the proprietor of the American House, enclosing “my check for five dollars in payment for my room, which I neglected to settle because of the bustle and excitement which accompanied my business in your fair city,” and asked the landlord to give his warmest regards to the fascinating “young lady who occupied the room adjacent to mine.”
When their case was called on December 7, 1864, Young introduced into evidence his commission and the orders from Richmond. He testified he was a citizen of the Confederate States, which was at war with the United States, and an officer in its army, and his actions at St. Albans were pursuant to orders. On December 13 or 14, 1864, Magistrate C. J. Coursol ruled he lacked jurisdiction over the prisoners and discharged them.
At the behest of the United States, the raiders were arrested and held for trial under a warrant issued by the Superior Court. The prosecution argued the absence of full documentation from Richmond vitiated the defense of authorization. On the last day of trial, literally at the last moment, the Reverend S. F. Cameron, a Confederate chaplain, ran into the courtroom. He had smuggled the official documents confirming Young’s orders from Richmond. Finding the prisoners were indeed soldiers under orders, duly authorized by their government to conduct expeditions against the United States, the Court released them.
At the war’s end, Young was among the handful of rebels excluded from President Johnson’s amnesty proclamation: a remarkable distinction for a lieutenant. He remained abroad for three years. On his return, he was admitted to the Kentucky bar and practiced law until his death in 1919. His 1906 photograph in Headley’s Confederate Operations shows a slender, handsome man with a full head of iron gray hair. He still looked very tough.
New York Press, August 18, 1999
The Fallen Angel
Around twilight on June 7, 1812 the old soldier landed somewhere near today’s South Street Seaport. The colonel hastened to a friend’s house at 66 Water Street, only to find everyone away. Only around midnight did he find a room—already occupied by five other men—in “‘a plain house’ along a dark alley.” In the morning, he found his friend Samuel Swartwout at home, and after an affectionate welcome the Swartwout brothers lodged him.
The charm that had borne him up remained potent: a boyhood friend and long-time political opponent, Robert Troup, lent him ten dollars and a law library. He rented space at 9 Nassau Street. He took out some newspaper advertisements. He ordered a small tin sign, “brightly lacquered,” bearing his name, and tacked it to the outside wall. When he arrived to open his office on the morning of July 5, 1812, a line of clients awaited him. Hundreds more would follow. Within twelve days, his receipts totaled a staggering $2,000.00. “However the inhabitants of New York viewed…the man,” Milton Lomask writes, “they had not forgotten the skills of…the advocate.”
Thus, at fifty-eight, Aaron Burr resumed the practice of law.
He had been born February 6, 1756 in Newark, New Jersey. He entered Princeton in the sophomore class at thirteen, took his degree with distinction at sixteen, and even spoke at commencement.
He was elegant from youth: small, slender, broad-shouldered, and handsome. He had fine taste in clothes, as dozens of unpaid tailors on two continents would attest. His manners were exquisite, his conversation never palled, and whether in the courtroom or the United States Senate, he spoke quietly and conversationally, without bombast or literary allusion. He strove to see things as they are, not as they ought to be, and possessed a massive savoir faire: “… dexterity enough to conceal the truth, without telling a lie; sagacity enough to read other people’s countenances; and serenity enough not to let them discover anything by yours.”
He fought for American independence at the battles of Quebec, Brooklyn, and Morningside Heights. He was a lieutenant colonel at twenty-two, wintered at Valley Forge, and had a horse shot from under him at Monmouth on June 28, 1778. The man of pleasure once single-handedly suppressed a mutiny in his regiment. A ringleader leveled his musket at Burr, shouting, “Now is the time, my brave boys.” The last syllable had barely left his lips when Burr’s saber severed his arm just above the elbow. There were no more mutinies.
During his service, he met Theodosia Prevost, the wife of a British officer serving in the West Indies who lived in Bergen County, New Jersey. Burr later wrote that Mrs. Prevost possessed “the truest heart, the ripest intellect, and the most winning manners of any woman” he had ever met. She spoke French fluently, frequently quoted the Latin poets, and read avidly. Burr admired her greatly. She responded with warmth and friendship.
Her husband died in 1781. She married Burr the following year. Nothing so testifies to Theodosia Prevost’s character, charm, and intelligence than that this sensual, cynical man was her faithful husband. More, though Burr was a feminist by instinct—he admired Mary Wollstonecraft’s Vindication of the Rights of Women—his marriage made his beliefs heartfelt. He was among the first practical politicians—and Burr was nothing if not practical—to work for women’s education on a par with men. “It was a knowledge of your mind,” he wrote to her, “which first inspired me…the ideas which you have often heard me express in favor of female intellectual powers are founded on what I have … seen…in you.” She died in 1794 after twelve years of marriage.
In 1782 he was admitted to the New York bar. He was elected to the Legislature in 1784, where he fought to abolish slavery, and appointed attorney general in 1789. Within two years, he was a United States Senator. Burr worked hard without taking politics seriously. For him it was the pursuit of “fun and honor & profit.” This earned the antipathy of Thomas Jefferson, who took politics almost as seriously as he did himself.
Yet the Virginian and Burr needed one another. Burr controlled the country’s first mass party organization: the Society of St. Tammany. If Thomas Jefferson was the Democrats’ first ideologue, Burr was their first mechanic.
In 1800, the Jeffersonians nominated Burr for vice president and his troubles began. Presidential electors then voted for two candidates for president and vice president without specifying a preference either man’s holding either office. The candidate receiving the most votes became president; the runner-up became vice president. Jefferson and Burr tied with seventy-three votes each. The election went to the House of Representatives. The Federalists, who detested Jefferson, tried electing Burr instead. The House elected Jefferson President and Burr Vice President only after thirty-six ballots.
Jefferson froze Burr out and withheld patronage from his followers. In April 1804 Burr, knowing he would not be renominated for vice president, ran for governor of New York. Alexander Hamilton, former secretary of the Treasury, had come to hate Burr, and Hamilton’s rage was reflected in his intensely personal campaigning, which included indiscreet personal remarks reported in the newspapers. Burr was heavily defeated.
Burr seized upon correspondence published in the Albany Register. Dr. Charles Cooper wrote, “General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared, in substance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man,” and “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Burr.”
Burr requested an “acknowledgment or denial” of the “still more despicable opinion” of himself attributed to Hamilton. Two days later, Hamilton evasively replied with a dissertation on the meaning of “despicable.” Burr responded, “…the Common sense of mankind” affixed to the words “the idea of dishonor.” He then demanded that Hamilton generally disavow “any intention… to convey impressions derogatory to the honor of Mr. Burr.”
Hamilton was trapped. This meant denying most of his political conversations, speeches, and correspondence for nearly two decades. Hamilton now feebly offered that he could not recall using any term that would justify Dr. Cooper’s construction.
Burr again demanded a disclaimer. Hamilton refused. On June 27, 1804 Burr challenged and Hamilton accepted. On Wednesday, July 11, at 7 a.m., the two men stood ten paces apart on the Weehawken shore, pistols in hand. Hamilton missed. Burr did not.
Burr was indicted for murder in New York and in New Jersey. While his lawyers and friends worked to quash the indictments, he returned to Washington, where he resumed his duties as vice president. On March 2, 1805 his last day in public office, Burr rose from the chair. He stood before a hall of professional politicians familiar with every rhetorical device, many of whom despised him. Without changing his customary conversational tone, he spoke briefly of the United States and the Senate itself, “a sanctuary, a citadel of law, of order, and of liberty.” He implored Divine protection upon the Constitution and having spoken from the heart then stepped down, walked across the chamber, and went out the door.
Behind him, the Senate sat in absolute silence. Senator Samuel Mitchill of New York wrote, “My colleague, General Smith, stout and manly as he is, wept as profusely as I did. He…did not recover…for a quarter of an hour.”
Even before leaving office, Burr had begun a conspiracy. Precisely what Burr planned remains “a mystery, a puzzle, a lock without a key.” He told his first biographer, Matthew L. Davis, that the scheme he called “X” was intended to “revolutionize Mexico” and settle some lands he held in Texas. Perhaps it was.
But the legends remain and the papers tantalize: the maps of New Orleans, Veracruz, and the roads to Mexico City and the correspondence hinting he would not liberate but seize Mexico, draw the Western states from the Union, and, combining them into one nation, stand at the throne of the Aztecs and crown himself Emperor of the West.
“The gods invite us to glory and fortune,” Burr wrote to his co-conspirator, Gen. James Wilkinson. John Randolph of Roanoke, Virginia, most ferocious of politicians, called Wilkinson “the mammoth of iniquity… the only man I ever saw who was from the bark to the very core a villain.” Wilkinson, whose self-designed uniforms, encrusted with gold braid and frogging, failed to conceal his massive girth, was then general-in-chief of the U.S. Army. He was also a paid agent of Spain. At some point, Wilkinson told President Jefferson everything. On November 27, 1806 Jefferson issued a proclamation that led to the collapse of the plot and Burr’s arrest and indictment for treason by levying war against the United States.
Burr was tried in Richmond, Virginia before Chief Justice John Marshall, Jefferson’s third cousin (they detested each other). The United States attorney insinuated during the trial that Marshall would be impeached if he did not rule for the prosecution on the evidentiary motions. Marshall noted the threat in his decision. He also noted the Constitution required that treason be proven by the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act of treason. Of the dozens of witnesses presented by the government, not even one had testified to an overt act. Marshall then excluded all evidence presented by the government as “merely corroborative and incompetent.” Within twenty-five minutes, the jury found Burr not guilty.
He had beaten the treason rap and quashed the murder indictments.???you didn’t say above that his lawyers were successful. If so, why did he have to leave office??? Now, in a self-imposed exercise in discretion, Burr left for Europe, traveling to England, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, and France, not to return for four years. At first, he sought financial support for “X” from the British and then the French. Nothing came of it. From the beginning of his exile[self-imposed?], Burr recorded his experiences in his private journal, in which he reveals himself as he does nowhere else. Perhaps its saddest revelations [fix repetition?] are that this vital, charming man was so easily bored. Yet, as Lomask writes, “There was a limit to how many parties he could attend, how many ceremonies he could watch, how many books he could read, how many bright and articulate people he could draw within the radiant circle of his charm.”
He devoted increasing energies to fornication, often with prostitutes and with other women whenever possible. Lomask notes he described his amatory encounters as muse, “a French hunting term meaning ‘the beginning of the rutting season in animals.'” Thus, in Copenhagen, after an unsatisfactory sexual encounter (bad muse), Burr returned to the hotel where the chambermaid occupied his time: “not bad; muse again.” During one busy morning in Stockholm, “ma bel Marie” came by after breakfast, a Hanoverian woman at nine, and “Carolin” at two p.m. The former vice president admitted he would have been happier if Carolin had deferred her visit to the next morning. Then he ordered a bath, noting “nothing restores me after too much muse like the hot bath.” In Paris, he noted muse was plentiful, but not always to his liking: he found the Parisiennes cold and calculating, with their passions in the head and not the heart. Yet some principles remained untainted despite boredom and lack of money. He never descended to drinking cheap wine.
After his return to the United States, he only dabbled in politics. In 1812, he was pulling strings for “an unknown man in the West, named Andrew Jackson, who will do credit to a commission in the army if conferred upon him.” When Jackson became President in 1829, Samuel Swartwout, whose hospitality Burr had enjoyed on his return from exile, was appointed Collector of the Port of New York with Burr’s help. As M. R. Werner relates, Swartwout later “hurried to Europe when his accounts showed that he had borrowed from the government’s funds… the sum of $1,225,705.69… The public, with that charming levity which has always characterized its attitude towards wholesale plunder, made the best of a bad situation by coining a new word… when a man put the government’s money into his own pocket, it was said… he had ‘Swartwouted.'”
In 1833, Burr married Eliza Jumel, probably the richest American woman of the time, for her money. Within the year, she began divorce proceedings upon the grounds of adultery, a remarkable, even heartening charge against a man of 78.
On September 14, 1836 the old man died in a second-floor room at Winant’s Inn, 2040 Richmond Terrace in Port Richmond, Staten Island. Two days later, he was buried by his father and grandfather in Princeton, New Jersey. Lomask writes, “For nearly twenty years the grave went unmarked. Then a relative arranged for the installation of a simple marble slab.”
The Best Man
On November 7, 1876 Samuel Jones Tilden, Democrat, of New York, won the election to succeed Ulysses S. Grant as President of the United States. On March 5, 1877 a Republican from Ohio placed his hand on the Bible, looked the Chief Justice in the eye, and repeated, “I, Rutherford Birchard Hayes, do solemnly swear…” The elections of 1876 are unique: the only time when we know the result was fixed and the loser entered the White House.
On November 7, 1876 Samuel Jones Tilden, Democrat, of New York, won the election to succeed Ulysses S. Grant as President of the United States. On March 5, 1877 a Republican from Ohio placed his hand on the Bible, looked the Chief Justice in the eye, and repeated, “I, Rutherford Birchard Hayes, do solemnly swear…” The elections of 1876 are unique: the only time when we know the result was fixed and the loser entered the White House.
Tilden was sixty-two when he began his great adventure. He was born in New Lebanon, New York. His father was a wheel-horse of the Albany Regency, the Democratic machine created by Martin Van Buren—“the Little Magician” —that dominated state politics from 1820 to 1840. Tilden grew up among the Regency’s leaders. Having inherited his father’s knack for analysis and deduction, Tilden simply listened to their conversations on great issues and low politics. By eighteen he was publishing political articles in the Albany Argus, by nineteen essays and pamphlets on taxes and banking. He often advanced his agenda with the pen: his research was thorough, his logic impeccable, and his prose cool, unemotional, logical, and persuasive.
The writing reflected the man. Tilden was cold and aloof. His only passions were politics and the law. He never married. He probably had no interest in sex at all. Harry Thurston Peck, a close observer, wrote, “He treated his friends as though at some time they might become his enemies.” Peck may be overstating it: Tilden had no friends. He did not need them.
With a few scraps of formal education, including a term at Yale, he clerked in a law office while attending what is now New York University Law School. In 1841, he was admitted to the bar and two years later became New York City’s corporation counsel. Two years later, he was elected to the State Assembly, where his land reform legislation ended the Patroon Wars between the great upstate landlords and their tenant farmers and won him a reputation for statesmanship.
On returning to private life, he specialized in reorganizing railroads and over two decades made a fortune in salvaging, rearranging, and combining sickly corporations. He was loyal to Van Buren’s anti-slavery Democrats, the Barnburners. As the Little Magician moved left, Tilden went with him, even bolting the Democratic Party when Van Buren ran for President in 1848 on an anti-slavery third-party ticket.
Tilden’s public personality largely concealed a shy, cold hypochondriac behind a façade of worldliness and good manners. One had to know him well to dislike him. He could do nothing about his appearance: sallow, with a prominent nose and jutting chin, graying hair, and a pronounced stoop. His voice was hoarse, even unpleasant. Yet the voice carried, and the mind behind it manufactured a kind of stripped-down rhetoric, clear, logical, and persuasive, that struck sparks in the minds of Tilden’s listeners. Few so cold have ignited such passion in their followers.
Tilden cautiously supported the Civil War effort, though he considered the Republicans revolutionaries, trying to create an excessively powerful federal government to impose their social agenda without regard to its effect on individual freedom.
During the 1860s, as William M. Tweed dominated the New York City Democratic Party through Tammany Hall, Tilden quietly noted the organization’s growing corruption—he observed everything—until Tweed began raiding the City treasury beyond reason and good taste. When The New York Times, then a Republican partisan rag, broke the scandals in 1870, Tilden was initially cautious. Then he decided to help destroy Tweed to save the party. He personally financed much of the investigation that made Tweed’s prosecution inevitable and successful.
The Democratic Party needed a gubernatorial candidate who could distract voters from the scandal. Tilden, who now believed he was the only man who could clean up the state, was available. In 1874, Tilden was elected governor. He exposed and shattered the Canal Ring, a conspiracy of contractors and officeholders who had grafted millions from the state waterways. The local hero became the presidential contender.
As the Centennial opened, the Grant administration was exhausted by eight years of scandal. The President, a lion among jackals, was blind to his friends’ dishonesty and incompetence. Like most revolutionaries, the Republicans knew how to enjoy power once they’d seized it, and their corruption created a backlash for change.
Tilden won the Democratic nomination on the second ballot. The Republicans deadlocked for seven ballots before compromising on Rutherford B. Hayes. For once, compromise was a good thing. Educated at Kenyon College and Harvard Law School, Hayes was a successful lawyer-politician. In 1861, he marched off with the 23rd Ohio as a major (one of the privates was future President William McKinley). In 1865, he returned a major general. He led from the front because that was where a leader belonged (he was wounded five times, seeing more front line fighting than any other President). He was a competent, scrupulously fair administrator in later life because he had learned an officer’s first duty was his men’s welfare and so, throughout his political career, his most faithful supporters were the men he had led in battle.
Hayes was elected to Congress and then three terms as Governor of Ohio. Hayes, good-humored and kindly, was attractive, clear-eyed, eloquent, magnetic, and generous. Men admired Tilden. They loved Hayes.
An American presidential campaign is really a series of campaigns and much of it, like an iceberg, is invisible to a casual observer. In 1876, the Civil War had only been over for a decade. Much of the South was still ruled by Republican puppet governors upheld by the Army. As the Republicans were the party of abolition, Southern whites flocked to the Democracy.
Southern elections had become times of terror. Outside the state capitals and the lines of communication held by federal troops, as numerous government records, newspaper files, and collections of private correspondence make clear, white extremists conducted a secret war of fire and blood against Republicans. Unlike the lumpenproletariat comprising today’s Klan, these terrorists were often community leaders bitterly determined to destroy the Republicans, disenfranchise the blacks, and restore white rule.
They intimidated tens of thousands of former slaves from voting. Republican activists who didn’t get the message, whether former slaves or carpetbaggers, including the white women teachers who had come south to teach former slaves how to read and write, were burned out, murdered, lynched, or raped. The nightriders, believing they were entitled to rule, acted on their irrational resentment of anyone who even seemed to threaten their entitlement.
Above all this, the two major candidates fought it out on a high plane. Beneath them, the campaign sank lower and lower. The reports indicate that Tilden was accused of having been a miser, a tax dodger, a traitor, a secessionist, and a supporter of slavery. There were many suggestive references to his bachelorhood.
Nonetheless, on November 7, 1876 Tilden polled 4,300,590; Hayes, 4,036,298; Peter Cooper, the inventor, financier, and founder of Cooper Union on Astor Place, polled 81,737 on the Greenback ticket, and other candidates polled 12,158. Hayes went to bed believing he had lost. Zach Chandler, the Republican National Chairman, went to bed with a bottle of whiskey to console himself.
Hayes’s managers had a better idea. With the cooperation of The New York Times, they planted stories in the mass media casting doubt on Tilden’s election by claiming Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina for the Republicans. The Republican National Committee converted that doubt to reality by challenging and invalidating returns from Democratic counties. Tilden’s 7,000 vote majority in Louisiana vanished when the certifying board threw out 13,000 of his votes.
In Florida, the certifying board apparently determined Hayes’s electors had won despite Tilden’s majority. In South Carolina, where the governor regularly executed state papers between entertainments in one of Charleston’s finer whorehouses, anything was possible. The new results threw the electoral votes of those states to Hayes, giving him a margin of one vote: 185 to 184.
When the Electoral College voted in December 1876, the Republican-controlled Senate and the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives could not even agree on how the votes should be counted. Tilden fought with the weapons honed over a lifetime: precedent, analysis, and reasoned argument.
He wrote a brilliant series of articles and studies arguing that the votes should be counted before the House, so coolly logical, sensible, and persuasive as to prevent the Senate leadership from unilaterally accepting the contested results and proclaiming Hayes the President-elect. It is uncommon to find politicians shamed from doing what they want by mere writings, but there it is.
Meanwhile, the nation slid toward civil war. There were rumors of violence and military coups. Demonstrators chanted, “Tilden or Blood.” Democrats began drilling. Army officers began hinting that restive troops were ready to march on Washington, to win a second time at bayonet point the victory already won in the ballot box.
We do not know when the moment’s ripeness was made clear to Samuel J. Tilden. Nevertheless, for a few days in the winter of 1877, he held the power to ignite a second Civil War. No one could have blamed him. He had won the Presidency, only to have it taken from him by one vote in a shabby burglary. It would have required a single word, a nod, perhaps only a moment’s convenient silence.
It did not come. He publicly denounced even the suggestion of the use of force. He insisted that he would take power by law.
To end the deadlock, on January 29, 1877, Congress created by a bipartisan Electoral Commission to resolve the dispute. Oddly enough, both Hayes and Tilden denounced the Electoral Commission as unconstitutional. Both announced they would accept the result. The Electoral Commission began deliberating on February 2, 1877. Inauguration Day was on March 5.
At some point, the Commission chose not to go beyond the returns. This served both parties. The Republicans did not want the corruption of the official results investigated. The Democrats did not want an examination into their relationship with the nightriders. Perhaps, as some have suggested of more recent national elections, neither party wanted an honest exploration of the other party’s misconduct. Such an investigation might have gone out of control and spoil the game for the players, if not the people.
On February 26, 1877, four Southern Democrats and five Ohio Republicans, including future President James A. Garfield, met at the Wormley House, a Washington hotel. Nothing was put on paper. They agreed that, if Hayes was inaugurated without disruption, Federal troops would be withdrawn from the South. The Reconstruction state governments would collapse in favor of rule by the Southern white elite.
Then by party lines, eight to seven, the Commission voted for the Hayes electors, thus making Hayes the 19th President. The results were announced on March 2, 1877. Hayes was privately sworn in at the White House on March 3, 1877, just in case, and went through the public ceremony two days later.
On learning of the Commission’s decision, Tilden smiled, murmuring, “It is what I expected.” Later, he said, “I can retire to private life with the consciousness… of having been elected to the highest office in the gift of the people, without any of its cares and responsibilities.” Withdrawing into his Gothic Revival brownstone townhouse on Gramercy Park South, Tilden died in 1886, leaving most of his fortune to create what is now the New York Public Library.
Few men so unloving have done so much for their country. By breaking up the great Dutch land grants, his land reform laws created thousands of independent farmers. The Tweed Ring was smashed with his money and not one dime of his expenditures was ever repaid. At the great moment of his life, he refused to let his followers install him by force in the Presidency he had won by right. His posthumous gift that created the New York Public Library has enriched millions of lives, including mine.
Rutherford B. Hayes kept his part of the deal. On April 24, 1877, less than two months after taking office, Hayes ordered the Federal troops back to their barracks, ending Reconstruction. He retired after one term and died at his home in Spiegel Grove, Ohio on January 13, 1893, aged 70. Only a few still called him “His Fraudulency the President.”
Over fifty years ago, Irving Stone published They Also Ran, a collection of essays on losing major party presidential candidates that is something of a minor classic. He summed up the election of 1876 thus: “It had been a photo finish, with history serving as the infallible camera. By the time the film could be developed, the wrong people had collected their money and gone home, the stands were deserted, the track dark. Yet there remains the picture for all time, with Tilden out front by a nose.”
New York Press, November 28, 2000
Charles F. Murphy, Kingmaker
Until 1961 Tammany Hall dominated the New York County Democratic Committee. Tammany was among the oddest, most enduring, and most effective political machines in American history: a fraternal and patriotic society, with arcane initiations and ceremonies drawn from white legends of Chief Tamanend, a Delaware Indian. Its members were braves, its officers the Wiskinkie and the Sagamore, and its elders the Sachems. At times, Tammany resembled nothing so much as a Raccoon Lodge of ballot box stuffers. As one parodist wrote:
Tammany Hall’s a patriotic outfit,
Tammany Hall’s an old society.
Fourth of July it always waves the flag, boys,
But never will it waive immunity.
On Independence Day 1905, the braves gathered
Until 1961 Tammany Hall dominated the New York County Democratic Committee. Tammany was among the oddest, most enduring, and most effective political machines in American history: a fraternal and patriotic society, with arcane initiations and ceremonies drawn from white legends of Chief Tamanend, a Delaware Indian. Its members were braves, its officers the Wiskinkie and the Sagamore, and its elders the Sachems. At times, Tammany resembled nothing so much as a Raccoon Lodge of ballot box stuffers. As one parodist wrote:
Tammany Hall’s a patriotic outfit,
Tammany Hall’s an old society.
Fourth of July it always waves the flag, boys,
But never will it waive immunity.
On Independence Day 1905, the braves gathered as usual at the Wigwam—located then at Fourteenth Street near Irving Place—to hear the Long Talk and then partake of the Great Feast and drink of the Waters of Life. On the stage sat the Council of Sachems, including the boss, Charles F. Murphy. All wore ceremonial sashes, medals, frock coats, stiff collars, and silk hats despite a room temperature of 105 degrees. After the Long Talk, all rose to sing “The Star-Spangled Banner.”
Off to the side, William Riordan, the New York Sun’s political reporter, observed Murphy closely. As the meeting broke, Riordan caught up with the Secretary of the Democratic County Committee. “What’s with Murphy?” Riordan asked. “He didn’t sing ‘The Star-Spangled Banner.'”
“Perhaps he didn’t want to commit himself,” the Secretary replied.
Charles Francis Murphy, Tammany’s chief from 1902 to 1924, was a legend, ominously shrouded in silence, mystery, and power. As a contemporary noted, only two local autocrats, New York Giants manager John McGraw and Charles F. Murphy, were universally addressed as “Mister.”
If silence can be flamboyant, then Mr. Murphy was an exhibitionist. Asked by a passerby for the time, Mr. Murphy would gaze back benignly, pull out his pocket watch, and hold it up to the questioner’s eyes, never opening his mouth. He left no records, formal speeches, or letters and granted no interviews of consequence. He once murmured, “Never write when you can speak; never speak when you can nod; never nod when you can blink.” Eighteen words was extravagance in Murphy’s taciturn world.
His motivations were inexplicable to his closest friends and one could only infer the obvious: politics was a road to success, honors, and wealth for an ambitious man who had been born poor.
The Murphys were so obscure that no one is sure of his father’s first name. The second of nine children, Charles F. Murphy was born in 1856. He became a manual laborer at the age of fourteen and then a horsecar driver. In 1876, he organized a baseball team. He was a good catcher and received several offers from professional clubs. But in 1880 he used his life savings of $500 to open a bar, Charlie’s Place, at 19th Street and Avenue A, where Stuyvesant Town now stands. He sold a beer and a cup of soup for five cents, frequently tended bar, and offered a sympathetic ear.
In 1892, he became district leader. He kept tabs on his voters, and if any Democrat in the district hadn’t voted by 3 PM, Mr. Murphy sent him a card by a messenger, respectfully inviting him to the polls. Mr. Murphy could be found standing under an old gas lamp every night outside his clubhouse, available to anyone who needed to see him. Hard work and accessibility piled up huge majorities for the Democratic ticket.
Then and later, conversations with Mr. Murphy were brief and one-sided. The supplicant spoke for a minute or two. Then Mr. Murphy nodded yes or no. His promises were carefully considered and conservatively granted. Once made they were binding, no matter how circumstances might change.
Tammany was the intermediary between the poor—particularly the immigrant poor—and American society. The poor gave Tammany their votes. In return, Tammany provided jobs and handouts. The leadership used its power for profit. During the early nineteenth century, Tammanyites such as Samuel Swartout, U.S. Collector of Customs and embezzler, literally grabbed the money and ran. The Tweed Ring took kickbacks from contractors. Boss Croker extorted bribes from whorehouses, gambling halls, and illegal bars in exchange for protection from law enforcement.
The local reformers, then as now, were more interested in cutting expenses than in easing the lives of the common people. They often tried to enforce an arid Protestant morality requiring rigid observance of the Sunday closing laws (which, in the context of a six-day week, meant workers had no fun at all). By contrast, Tammany winked at Sunday openings, passed out free turkeys at Christmas, buckets of coal during the winter, and free ice during the summer, and maintained the personal contacts that gave and still give a sense of security to the poor. Reform offered justice. Tammany offered mercy. In a world of sinners, mercy wins every time.
In 1897, Charles F. Murphy was appointed a Dock Commissioner. Fiercely proud of the title, Mr. Murphy thereafter preferred to be addressed as “Commissioner.” The Commission offered opportunities for what Riordan—in his classic satire of machine politics, Plunkett of Tammany Hall—called “honest graft”: the then-legal use of inside information and influence to make money. One of Murphy’s brothers organized the New York Contracting and Trucking Corporation. The brother and two old friends each owned five shares. The remaining eighty-five shares were owned, according to M. A. Werner’s Tammany Hall, by “an unnamed person who was never identified.”
Whether the “unnamed person” was Charles F. Murphy was almost immaterial. It was as if the city had given Murphy’s brother a four-color press with permission to print all the money he might need. New York Contracting suddenly gained wonderfully inexpensive leases for city-owned docks, which it then sublet to international shipping companies for enormous rents. Later, when the Pennsylvania Railroad began building Penn Station and its tunnels beneath the Hudson and the East Rivers, the Board of Aldermen stopped blocking the building permits only after the Pennsy awarded New York Contracting a huge construction contract—despite a bid twenty-five percent above the lowest bid.
The Commissioner became friends with one of his colleagues, J. Sergeant Cram, a monocled aristocrat (Harvard Class of ’86) who served as Dock Commissioner and as Secretary of the Democratic County Committee, who was in politics for the fun of it. Cram taught Murphy how to wear white tie and tails and eat peas with a fork. Their friendship gave Murphy insight into polite society, a side of life with which he had no previous contacts. It endured until Cram’s ambitions impaired his judgment. U.S. Senator is a reasonable ambition in a Harvard man, but delusional in a Dock Commissioner.
Richard Croker had been boss for nearly two decades when Tammany lost the 1901 Mayoral election. On May 14, 1902, power fell to a triumvirate: Daniel F. McMahon, a district leader/crooked contractor, Louis F. Haffen, the Bronx Borough President, and Charles F. Murphy. (“Abbe Sieyes, Roger Ducos, and Napoleon Bonaparte,” Cram murmured, alluding to the First Republic’s three-man Consulate.) Five months and five days later Murphy put the others aside and became the Chief. He would wield power for a generation.
His leadership style was to keep abreast of developments throughout the city, consult with the lesser leaders, and test the views of others before advancing his own. His taciturnity led “the boys” to think, as Werner wrote, that “he [always] had something in reserve…It was the cards he was holding back that gave him command of the situation.” He had a facility for grasping even the most complicated political or legal issue. Every week, he met with his district leaders: they would talk about their problems. He listened, said a few words, and then acted. Politics was his vocation and avocation. He worked at it furiously and exclusively, and he invariably enjoyed the effort.
Mr. Murphy didn’t originate the machine as an informal welfare system, but he expanded the district clambakes, aid for widows, and food baskets for the poor. What made Mr. Murphy different was what former President George H.W. Bush once called the vision thing. He began developing a stable of great candidates.
In 1903, when Murphy defeated incumbent Mayor Seth Low, a reformer, with George McClellan Jr., a Congressman and the son of the Civil War general, the braves began referring to the Chief in their campaign songs:
Big Chief sits in his teepee
Cheering braves to victory
Tammany, Tammany,
Swamp ’em, swamp ’em,
Get the wampum,
Tammany!
Two years later, McClellan was opposed by William Randolph Hearst whose campaign for Mayor made Murphy the issue. Hearst’s campaigners sang:
Everybody woiks but Murphy;
He just rakes in the dough.
The braves sang back:
What’s the matter with Murphy?
He’s all right!
Mr. Murphy stopped all that: the last thing he wanted was to be conspicuous. He knew what needed to be done. Hearst won the 1905 election as the ballots went into the boxes, but McClellan won as they came out—by fewer than 3,500 votes, barely one-half of one percent. McClellan’s gratitude was short-lived. He attempted to oust Mr. Murphy. McClellan failed. He never held office again.
William Jay Gaynor, Murphy’s next choice, was unique among Mayors. He was scholarly, philosophical, witty, hot-tempered (his stunning second wife was rumored to have once ended an argument by firing a pistol at him)—and incorruptible. Gaynor provided no patronage to the organization. When a reporter asked, “What are you going to give Murphy?” Gaynor replied, “A few kind words.”
His official letters, which he dictated personally, are preserved in the Municipal Reference Library. Most read like this:
Dear Sir:
Thank you for your kind letter of the 24th instant. Very truly yours,
William J. Gaynor
MAYOR
But every once in a while, one will find something like:
Dear Sir:
I see by your letter that you are a scoundrel and a scamp. Nonetheless, I have often derived much profit from the writings of scoundrels and scamps. Very truly yours,
William J. Gaynor
MAYOR
Mr. Murphy elected his first governor, John A. Dix, in 1910. Werner notes that Dix won fame only “by designing for himself as chief of the National Guard a uniform of much gorgeousness which he wore on state occasions until laughed out of it by a disrespectful press.” His successor, William Sulzer, publicly broke with Murphy over patronage. In a naked display of power, Murphy destroyed him: within eleven months of taking the oath Sulzer was impeached and removed from office on trumped-up charges involving campaign finance reports. The third time was a charm: he elected Alfred E. Smith, who went on to serve four terms.
Smith had gone from Speaker of the Assembly to New York County Sheriff to President of the Board of Aldermen. He initially turned down the shrievality. Sheriffs were then compensated by fees rather than a fixed salary, which meant that, in New York County, the incumbent could legitimately become a millionaire—without grafting or stealing—within a year. Mr. Murphy finally had to call Smith in for a meeting at which he explained things: “Al, I’m making you sheriff so you can make some money. Then you can afford to be an honest man.” When Smith became governor, Murphy said, “I shall be asking you for things, Al, but if I ever ask you for anything which you think would impair your record, just tell me so and that will be the end of it.” Richard Croker had never even elected a governor. Murphy hoped to make Smith President of the United States. If he had lived, perhaps that might have happened.
In any event, Murphy elected three governors, three mayors, two United States Senators, and numerous proteges who bloomed after his death, including Mayor Jimmy Walker and U.S. Senator Robert F. Wagner Sr. By 1923, Tammany held the governorship, the mayoralty, and numerous other elected offices. No other Tammany leader ever had or would ever again enjoy such power.
On the morning of April 25, 1924, a doctor was summoned to Mr. Murphy’s house. The Chief was crumpled in pain on the sun-dappled floor of his bathroom. It was probably a heart attack. Three days later, he was buried out of St. Patrick’s Cathedral. Members of the political aristocracy filled every pew and, as Milton Mackaye wrote, “crowds of lesser satraps, freshly scrubbed and fumigated, stood…in the aisles and passageways.” Murphy went to his tomb along streets lined with over sixty thousand people. It was, according to one observer, New York’s most impressive funeral since the death of General Grant.
New York Press, October 28, 1998
I Fights Mit Sigel
Joseph Brodsky, in “Homage to Marcus Aurelius,” describes the “etiquette of equestrian statuary: “…when a horse, for instance, rears up under the rider, it means that the latter died in battle. If all of its four hooves rest on the pediment, that suggests he died in his four-poster.” Up at Riverside Drive and West 106th Street, Karl Bitter’s heroic bronze represents Major General Franz Sigel, U.S. Army, astride his stallion (it is, as the Spanish say, an entire horse), gazing toward the Palisades. The horse’s four feet are firmly planted in the ground. He is going nowhere, as if in protest to his rider’s latest imbecility.
Joseph Brodsky, in “Homage to Marcus Aurelius,” describes the “etiquette of equestrian statuary: “…when a horse, for instance, rears up under the rider, it means that the latter died in battle. If all of its four hooves rest on the pediment, that suggests he died in his four-poster.” Up at Riverside Drive and West 106th Street, Karl Bitter’s heroic bronze represents Major General Franz Sigel, U.S. Army, astride his stallion (it is, as the Spanish say, an entire horse), gazing toward the Palisades. The horse’s four feet are firmly planted in the ground. He is going nowhere, as if in protest to his rider’s latest imbecility.
“What was curious about him,” wrote Stephen Douglas Engle, Sigel’s sole biographer, “was not what he did, but his exalted status for what he failed to do.” He was born at Sinheim, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, on November 24, 1824. In 1843, Sigel graduated with honors from the Military School at Carlsruhe, received his lieutenant’s commission, and despite his liberal views served Grand Duke Leopold with distinction until 1847, when he was challenged to a duel over his politics. As an officer, he could not refuse. He fatally wounded his opponent, was placed under arrest, and resigned his commission.
The European rebellions of 1848 are comparable only to the 1968 student revolts throughout Europe and the United States. In Germany, the Forty-Eighters sought German unification under a liberal constitution. Sigel became the revolutionary government’s war minister. When the Prussians invaded to restore the old order, he took the field, lost all three of his battles, and skipped for Switzerland.
In exile, he revealed his true genius: public relations. Sigel’s skills as a self-publicizing journalist and orator transformed him from the man who had lost every battle he had fought into a legendary hero. Meanwhile, he made a living. He even played piano in a sideshow at London’s Crystal Palace. In 1852 he came to New York, where he taught, published a weekly newspaper, and joined the state militia. He also organized German athletic and cultural societies, thus creating and maintaining friendships among German immigrant leaders throughout the major eastern cities, and published articles in German-language newspapers across the country. In 1857, the German-American Institute of St. Louis, Missouri appointed him instructor in mathematics and history.
Throughout his adult life, Sigel was solidly built, weighing about 145 pounds, and roughly 5’7″ tall. In youth, his hair was coal black. He carried himself like a soldier; his gaze was piercing and his handshake firm. Despite an intelligent and sensitive mind, he was terse and humorless. Americans found him stiff, nervous, and unyielding. Yet the man whom West Pointers called “the block of ice” could move and inspire German-speaking audiences. He came to incarnate their hopes for winning honor and advancement in their new country.
On May 4, 1861, he was elected colonel of the Third Missouri; six days later, he helped suppress the attempted secession of Missouri. His first independent command, at the Battle of Carthage, was marked as usual by defeat, but somehow the press coverage presented him well, and he became famous. On August 10, 1861, as a newly minted brigadier general, he commanded a wing of the Federal forces at Wilson’s Creek, contributing to the Union defeat by his inept handling of troops. Indeed, his command was routed by two companies of Louisiana volunteers. Yet again he was widely praised in the press.
Part of this stemmed from media manipulation. He was a master of the exclusive interview and the news leak. His aides hand-delivered his dispatches to reporters so that his version of events got out first. Thus bloomed his career.
When he was passed over for independent field command in December 1861, he offered his resignation in protest. Public support from thousands of immigrants convinced his superiors to decline a resignation they had received with joy. Thus he commanded two divisions at the Battle of Pea Ridge, Arkansas, perhaps his finest hour, where he did not foul up. Friendly newspapers consequently proclaimed him the true genius of the victory, rather than his commander, the quietly competent General Samuel Curtis, and Sigel received his second star on March 21, 1862.
Major General Sigel was transferred to Virginia. His adoring fans lionized him during the train journey from Missouri. One who believed Sigel’s press clippings might think Grant and Lincoln had little to do with the war’s conduct. There were even popular dialect songs:
I’ve come shust now to tells you how
I goes mit regimentals,
To SCHLAUCH dem foes of Liberty,
Like dem old Continentals
Vot fights mit England, long ago
To save de Yankee eagle;
Un now I gets mine sojer clothes,
I’m going to fight mit Sigel.
Chorus:
Yaw! daus is drue, I shpeaks mit you,
I’m going to fight mit Sigel.
Happily, Sigel’s modest performance as a corps commander under Major General John Pope was overlooked after Pope’s debacle at the Second Battle of Manassas in August 1862. His superiors quietly shunted him into insignificant posts where he could do no harm.
But, unsatisfied by mere prestige, Franz Sigel lusted for glory. As the 1864 presidential election approached, he lobbied for a major command. He got the Department of West Virginia, effective February 29, 1864. A staff officer wrote, “The [German] vote must be secured at all hazards. And the sacrifice of West Virginia is a small matter.” Grant soon ordered Sigel to advance upon Staunton, Virginia to cut the Virginia Central Railroad and threaten Lee’s left flank.
Major General John C. Breckinridge, C.S.A., the Confederate commander of the Western Department of Virginia and Sigel’s opposite number, had been appointed to his command only four days earlier. State legislator, Congressman, and United States Senator, Breckinridge had become the youngest Vice President of the United States at thirty-five. At thirty-nine, although a reluctant Presidential nominee, he had run second to Lincoln in the Electoral College. He had not left the Union: the Union had expelled him to the Confederacy by ordering his arrest for his principled opposition to the war. In a moment of anger and frustration, he accepted a general’s commission in the Confederate army. He later called this the greatest mistake of his life.
In the spring of 1864, he was only forty-three years old. He was tall, strikingly attractive, genial, good-humored, hard working, and almost effortlessly competent. Although Breckinridge was not a professional soldier, he learned from experience. He did not make the same mistake twice. Basil Duke, one of his subordinates, wrote that Breckinridge “had unquestionably a remarkable sagacity in all matters pertaining to actual warfare….”
His courage and resolution were superb…Along with his stronger and more virile qualities was an exceeding amiability of temper and an admirable self-control.”
Not the least among his lesser gifts was his magnificent horsemanship: his style was famously smooth and graceful: “General Breckinridge galloped past, riding like a Cid.” Years later, on being called the handsomest man on horseback, a particularly dashing Union cavalryman replied, “You never saw John Breckinridge.”
As Sigel was careless about security, General Robert E. Lee soon learned he would advance into the Shenandoah Valley with some 23,000 Union veterans: good troops, well rested, well supplied. They had served well under other commanders and would again. Against this, Breckinridge commanded some 5,500 Confederate regulars and militia.
Sigel began a leisurely advance on May 1, opposed only by skirmishing Rebel cavalrymen. Though effectively unimpeded, he advanced only sixty-five miles in two weeks. On May 5, he held maneuvers, sending forth a regiment as a skirmish line. Then he forgot about it. At the end of the day, the army counted its casualties: “Killed, none; wounded, none; missing, the 34th Massachusetts Infantry.”
Confederate raiders began plundering Sigel’s supply lines. He continued his advance while pulling his scouts from reconnaissance to escort the wagon trains, thus moving blindly into enemy country. He allowed his forces to be badly strung out over some nineteen miles of muddy road. It is difficult to imagine a mistake that he did not make.
By contrast, Breckinridge’s scouts reported nearly every Union move, sometimes within minutes. The former Vice President had united his forces, making clever use of the railroads to speed his advance. General Lee even authorized him to accept the services of 257 cadets from the renowned Virginia Military Institute, the West Point of the South. The cadets marched 160 miles in four days to reach the front.
On May 14, Sigel’s forces encountered a Confederate cavalry screen—the human equivalent of radar—about eight miles north of New Market, Virginia. As Sigel pressed south into the town, the Rebel horsemen gave ground before him, remaining just out of reach while sending estimates of the Union forces to Breckinridge.
By 6:00 a.m., Breckinridge’s artillery was already on the high ground about a mile south of New Market. Breckinridge feinted with his cavalry against the Union forces, trying to spark a fight, even while marching and counter-marching several of his units just within sight of the enemy to create the illusion of greater numbers. It worked. Sigel disregarded his own intelligence reports, having concluded that Breckinridge must be commanding upwards of 9000 men. Some of Sigel’s subordinates believed there were 20,000 Confederates on the field.
Breckinridge stood atop Shirley’s hill, the high ground south of New Market. He opened his watch, turned to his commanders and said, “It is 11:00 o’clock. I have offered him battle and he declines to advance on us. I shall advance on him.”
Throughout the war, Breckinridge’s basic battle plan never varied, largely because it always worked and his opponents never bothered to study his successes. He used it again at New Market. His cavalry flanked Sigel’s front line, pushing it back, and his infantry pressed the Union troops back into the town. By 12:30 p.m., Breckinridge had taken New Market from Sigel.
At 2:00 p.m., Breckinridge rode forward with his field artillery. Instead of using his guns conventionally, merely to soften up the enemy before the attack, he used them as the most mobile part of his offense, often ahead of his infantry, advancing, firing, and advancing again. This was revolutionary: the infantry were supposed to protect the guns, not the other way around. This too worked. Sigel’s first line fell back in disorder, running through his second line and throwing it into confusion.
Breckinridge handled his outnumbered troops so well that when he began his general advance in mid-afternoon, he would have more troops in combat than Sigel. At this moment, a Union artillery battery blasted a hole in the left center of Breckinridge’s line with grapeshot and canister. His troops were now fully engaged. His only reserve was the cadets. Breckinridge turned to his aide de camp, Major Charles Semple, with tears in his eyes. “Put the boys in, and may God forgive me for the order.”
An aide galloped up to the commandant of cadets with the orders. The cadets cheered. Then, in perfect order, they advanced, closing their ranks under fire as their comrades began dropping. They plugged the gap, fired a volley, and then advanced with the rest of Breckinridge’s line through mud that sucked the shoes from their feet.
Sigel tried to organize a counterattack. In his excitement he began barking orders in German, making his commands incomprehensible. The cadets drove toward a battery. The Union artillerists fired to nearly the last moment, leaving one gun behind. Then the boys were among them, and it was over. Ten cadets died; forty-seven were wounded. Breckinridge rode up, encrusted with mud, and called out, “Well done, men!” One cadet replied, “That’s very nice, general, but where’s the commissary wagon?”
Undaunted, Sigel began yet another attempt to transform military debacle into personal advancement even as he left the field. He began firing reports to the newspapers, describing his retreat as a “retrograde movement” and grossly inflating the size of Breckinridge’s forces. The New York Tribune for May 18, 1864 even printed “SIGEL WHIPS THE REBELS AT NEW MARKET.”
But the feline Union chief of staff, Henry Halleck, had already wired General Grant, “…Sigel is already in full retreat…If you expect anything from him you will be mistaken. He will do nothing but run. He never did anything else.” Halleck then inquired whether General Grant felt the Department of West Virginia needed a new commander. Grant shot back: “BY ALL MEANS…APPOINT…ANYONE ELSE TO THE COMMAND OF WEST VIRGINIA.”
On May 19, 1864, four days after New Market, the day after the New York Tribune had printed its headline, Sigel was relieved of command. He would never command troops again and resigned his commission in 1865.
For the rest of his long life, he would edit and publish German weeklies in Baltimore and then New York. In 1869, the Republicans nominated him for Secretary of State of the State of New York. He campaigned against prohibition, arguing that lager was God-sent, and asked the immigrants to stand up and “fights mit Sigel again.” As usual, he lost.
He died August 22, 1902. Over 25,000 followed his coffin to Woodlawn Cemetery. Five years later, a magnificent parade marked his monument’s unveiling on Riverside Drive. Behind the mounted police, cavalry, infantry, and artillery marched the Grand Army of the Republic and dozens of the German societies he had so loved and who had so loved him, from the Deutsche Liederkranz to the Vereinigung Deutsche Demokraten des Bronx and the New Yorker Deutscher Apothker Verein.
Franz Sigel is an exemplar: how not to do it. Yet, his career was not without glory—for others. Every 15th of May, VMI’s Corps of Cadets march in review, bayonets fixed, to the roll of muffled drums. Before them float the school colors, bearing the same seal of Virginia (with its motto “Sic semper tyrannis”) that their predecessors followed to New Market. Then the adjutant, having roared attention to roll call, barks ten names: Cabell, Atwill, Crockett, Hartsfield, Haynes, Jefferson, Jones, McDowell, Stanard, and Wheelwright. After each name, the ranks before him shout back, “Dead upon the field of honor, sir!”
New York Press, June 21, 2000